RTI Act powerful tool for transparency

By A Staff Reporter GUWAHATI, July 5 – With the emergence of corruption as the greatest public enemy, the relevance of the Right to Information Act has become all the more relevant in a region like India’s Northeast. The Act could act as a tool to usher in probity in public affairs and also pinpoint accountability to all government functionaries and organisations receiving substantial government funds.Recently appointed Governor of Meghalaya and former State Information Commissioner, Assam, RS Mooshahary said this in Guwahati today. Delivering a talk on the RTI Act in a meet organised by the Gauhati Management Association, Mooshahary said that it was not enough that people received information through the process, but used that knowledge to identify corrupt practices and persons. Spelling out the Act in some detail, he said that it was a powerful tool that was brought in for greater transparency and accountability in governance. Because of its marked autonomy, the Information Commissions are held in high regard by various government departments. People could either approach the Public Information Officers in departments concerned to seek information, or approach the head of the office if there were not any PIOs. In case they failed to receive information, or believed that the information provided was doctored they could approach the State Information Commissioner.Significantly, he revealed that even though in most of the cases the authorities had 30 days to dispense information, in the event of “life and liberty,” government officials must provide information within a 48-hour time frame. He cited several instances, which showed how information was extracted from several government offices even though they were initially reluctant to provide it. In one case, gross irregularities were found in the working of the Public Distribution System of Golaghat district.Finally, information acquired through RTI applications were able to help investigation, which led to the arrest of several officials and streamlining of the system. This has been an eye-opening development for several other NGOs working in Assam.Mooshahary was of the belief that the RTI has been able to make a change in the mindset of some people as well as officials who are aware of its power. Officials now know that whatever notes they made on files could now be examined by a member of the public. With a note of regret, he mentioned that the Assam Government has not done much to spread public awareness about the Act. He said that much better awareness was necessary for the Act to be become a real harbinger of change. source: assam tribune

Vision Document set a height that we have to scale

By our Staff Reporter GUWAHATI, June 30: In what has been termed as the ‘departure from the past’, the Vision Document 2020 has been prepared through the three-year-long mind boggling exercises for the north-eastern region. The three volumes of the document are scheduled to be released formally by Prime Minister Manmohon Singh at New Delhi on July 2.“The message in the document is clear-the involvement of the people of this region has given special emphasis to generate a sense of well being among them,” said Falguni Rajkumar, secretary to the North-Eastern Council (NEC), while addressing the press here today. He said, “The vision document is a statement on vision to see ahead to know the height we have to climb and the distance we have to travel to catch up rest of India.”The document has envisaged an average growth rate of the Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) of the north-eastern States at 12.95 per cent per annum. The present average growth rate of the GSDP in this region is around 7.5 per cent, much less than the national average. To achieve the projected target in this regard, the document envisages the required additional investment at the tune of Rs 13,29,891 crore during the period from 11th Plan to first three year of 13th Plan. Rajkumar said, a proposal is all set to place before the Union Cabinet next month to chalk out collective planed programme with the fund amassed by the minimum 10 per cent budget allocation of the 49 ministries for the north-east.Currently the funds, which is expected to be raised to about Rs 30,000 crore per annum, have been spent by the respective ministries for the development of the north-east and non-utilized fund goes to non-lapsable Central pool of resources (NLCPR). Apart from the Government fund, the NEC has decided to stress on the private investment in this region, to cover the required investment volume of about Rs 70,000 crore.However, he said, selection of industry is a major problem for the north-east. Which needs is less capital intensive with huge employment opportunity like tourism sector, he said. The NEC secretary has also stressed on the collaboration between outsider investors and local entrepreneurs to avoid negative view on the investment. Several industrial giants are looking for local partners to invest in the north-east, he said. source: sentinel assam

Ethnic nepotism or merit?

Rajesh Dev

Everyone everywhere seems to be engaged in cutting the heads off a hydra. Large sections of the people are alarmed at the deteriorating quality of our political life, our social values, our academic standards or what have you. These worries are being articulated with serious reflection but distinctive personal biases by expressive commentators. Yet these commentaries seem like incremental interventions that perhaps inadvertently, neglect the core issues of quality and measure of human material. All our institutions, values and norms are sensing deterioration in quality human material that gets characterised as sectoral institutional collapse. Indeed the issue concerning the quality of human material and the related anxieties are certainly universal and therefore may seem gratuitous, to be articulated only as a “regional” North-eastern anxiety in a dedicated page of this newspaper. Interestingly, a reader recently reminded me that the issues that I have often raised through these columns are not necessarily issues that have exotic growth in the region called the North-east, but is a pervasive ailment of the national soul. I wish I could tell him that it has exactly been my customary estimation in these columns that anxieties of the region are not typically unique. So the violations of the rights of minorities in Gujarat, or the expressions of violent antipathy towards certain communities in Mumbai or the blatant reflection of political depravity amongst the political class or even the transgressions of citizens’ rights by extra-legal organisations. All have their parallel manifestations in this region that so patently declares its difference. Nevertheless, there are aspects that introduce “unique” vernacular elements to these universal stories of anxiety that is not typical of this region called the North-east but other locales too. The metaphorical category called the North-east also encounters identical anxieties but the idioms for articulating these anxieties have typical local eccentricity. In Meghalaya, currently there is an animated anxiety concerning its institutions of learning. The Meghalaya chief minister recently rued the corrosion in the “quality of education” in his his state; while the minister for higher and technical education passionately declared the wish of the government to make the state capital a “knowledge city”. Even observers scrutinising the working of a number of such institutions, in the state and the region, have criticised the complete lack of integrity and transparency in the functioning and appointment procedures in institutions of higher learning. Yet the “regional” bias of these expressions lies in the fact that all forms of social anxieties are sought to be explained and reconciled through a fixed ethnic prism. Indeed ethnic identity that forms the basis of social differentiation and oppression in the region is the most proximate idiom through which rationalisation of social anxieties and concerns are made. Even the most progressive of voices inadvertently identify with this ethnic idiom to explain social conditions. Explorations that begin with concerns for merit in institutions like the Indian Institute of Managements subliminally revert to this ethnic idiom to explain lack of academic propriety. So ethnic nepotism by the incumbent director is obliquely assumed to be the reason why the newly established IIM at Shillong has a large number of faculty members and office-bearers from a particular community. Another section of society is of the opinion that it is ethnic discrimination that denies many indigenous aspirants any substantive roles in institutions like the North Eastern Indira Gandhi Regional Institute of Health and Medical Sciences. Both these institutions, along with many others, are thus caught in the bind of ethnic arguments and indigenous claims. The region has around 16 universities, six medical institutes, one IIM, one IIT and one NIT besides a host of colleges that also offer post-graduate courses. Yet we find the largest portion of students in institutes of higher institutes in other parts of India belonging to this region. It is estimated that 20 per cent of the IT workforce in many states of south India belong to the region. Applicants having the desired qualifications for posts in various institutes have been denied appointment to faculty positions in states like Meghalaya, because of pressures that emanate not from concerns of merit but ethnic kinship and skewed criteria of reservations. There are also subtle pressures in some states for the conversion of faculty positions reserved for Other Backward Classes and Scheduled Castes into reserved positions for Scheduled Tribes. Institutes are denied the autonomy and control over matters of appointment and measures for quality control because of prevailing social perceptions. Questions of merit cannot be determined simply by adherence to formal degrees and institutional positions. We may recall that the influential theorist and philosopher Karl Popper was a cabinet-maker and school teacher. So was Will Durant, who taught in a school. Their professional positions however did not subvert their innovative originality as thinkers and creative scholars. Social perceptions, conventional norms of merit and current notions of control over institutions need to be sincerely addressed without ambiguous loyalties if institutions in the region are to have social relevance and worth. It is the design, character and autonomy of our institutions that will ultimately shape the content and quality of the societies in the region. Source: http://www.thestate sman.net/ page.news. php?clid= 14&theme=&usrsess=1&id=210878

Reality as it is

Reality as it is

It is natural that there should be such hype about the press conference called by the ULFA’s 28 Battalion on Thursday as reflected by the media coverage of the event. After all, were not the top leaders of the battalion pointing to things that people would not expect from the lips of ULFA leaders? Were not the rebels harping on what ULFA c-in-c Paresh Baruah has denied all these years? Were not the hardened militants indicating their willingness to abdicate the path of violence for ever and appreciate the fact of Indian democracy? Were not they being mature enough to realize the futility of armed struggle against the Indian state? Was not an influential section of the ULFA coming to terms with the reality of the day? Therefore, the excitement, hype and expectations that marked the press conference — the first of its kind in the history of ULFA’s ‘insurgency’ — seemed to be so very natural.However, there is hardly anything surprising about what the pro-talk ULFA leaders said in the press conference, be it the indifference of the Bangladesh-based top ULFA leadership to the suffering of the lower-rung cadres back home, or the manner in which the top leadership has turned a blind eye to illegal immigration from Bangladesh to Asom (especially after the outfit came under the grip of the ISI), or even the business empires that Paresh Baruah and chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa have established in Bangladesh while pretending to be staging a revolution for the people of Asom. This newspaper said all this long ago. Yet, the element of surprise — should one call it so — is that for a section of the ULFA that has thrived on the loot extracted from the people it had set out to liberate, the cause of Asom should now weigh more than the temptation to serve the ISI and enjoy luxuries on foreign shores. Therefore, we welcome the latest peace initiative of Mrinal Hazarika and his comrades. One would definitely ask: Are some of the ULFA leaders beginning to realize that the outfit’s brand of insurgency has actually turned out to be one of the worst forms of criminal terrorism against one’s own brothers and sisters at the behest of hostile foreign powers?So where does one go from here? Let it be reiterated that unless the entire outfit, including of course the top leadership based in Bangladesh, comes forward for a meaningful peace process in the best interest of the people of Asom, it is unlikely that anything tangible will result from the peace overtures. And for the peace process to be meaningful, as the pro-talk ULFA leaders should now realize, ‘‘sovereignty for Asom’’ cannot be on the agenda. Now one only hopes that the State would not have to bear yet another — and more horrendous — cycle of attacks and counter-attacks. Neighbouring Nagaland should serve as an example where three different factions of the NSCN, all championing the same cause, have made commercial hubs like Dimapur a war zone, killing their own brethren, despite the fact that two of the factions have a ceasefire agreement with the Centre. Therefore, let us be less euphoric, more realistic. If much water has flowed down the Brahmaputra, there is a lot more to flow too. source: sentinel assam editorial 29.06.08

All India Services and the Northeast

All India Services and the Northeast

JP Rajkhowa

A fter India attained independence, it was debated whether the British legacy of running the affairs of the States, that was primarily vested in the Indian Civil Service (ICS) and the Indian Police (IP), should be continued in some form in order to maintain continuity in administration and law-and-order management. It was at the insistence of the first Union Home Minister, Sardar Vallabhai Patel, who strongly argued in favour of creating a replica of ICS and IP for meeting the new challenges with efficiency and to strengthen national integration and unity of the country, that the first two All India Services (AIS) — IAS and IPS — were created, under the All India Services Act passed by Parliament. It is interesting that the ICS, also known as the Imperial Civil Service or the Steel Frame, and its supporting service, the Imperial Police, which contributed significantly in carrying forward the imperialistic agenda of the British Raj as absolutely loyal and disciplined servants of the Crown, fascinated the great Indian freedom fighters, who opted for their replica in the form of IAS and IPS in a different political set-up. During the Raj, the ICS and IP were in fact functioning as All India Services, as the officers of these two services were posted in different provinces and were also transferable from one province to another under the unitary Imperial Government of India. However, the picture totally changed in independent India, which was given a democratic federal structure — being a Union of States and Union Territories, with a specified list of functions and responsibilities for the Centre and the States.The inclusion of subjects ‘‘public order’’ and ‘‘police’’ in the State List made it mandatory that members of the IAS and IPS — though categorized as All India Services — would be allotted to specific States, against the State cadres created for these two services. There is, however, provision of deputation of these officers to the Central government under what is called ‘‘central deputation quota’’, which is also fixed in consultation with the respective States, but by and large it is a mere formality. Although the State government concerned is required to make recommendation by placing the services of willing or selected officers with the Central government, it is the latter which decides which officer is to be picked up, with the States having little control over any selection by the Centre. For posting of officers against vacancies in the posts of Joint Secretary (JS) and above, a procedure of empanelment has been prescribed, which is observed to be a totally non-transparent process, with the highest officialdom at the Centre headed by the Cabinet Secretary having the final say and with the approving authorities in the normal course being used as a mere rubber stamp. As a consequence of such practice, with no avenues for appeal against non-empanelment or any reason given for not empanelling an officer as JS or in higher posts, the practice of ‘‘greasing the palm’’ has become very popular with aspirants for prime posting at the Centre. In addition, ‘‘putting in a word’’ for particular candidates by important ministers or politicians of the ruling party carries significant weight in the ‘empanelment’. Thus it is observed that many shining and performing honest officers of some States are not empanelled, whereas even corrupt or tainted officers, with dubious past records in the allotted State(s), find their names prominently in the ‘empanelled list’, thereby causing frustration among the efficient and honest lot. Such favouritism at the cost of efficiency and integrity has resulted in the politicization of the IAS and IPS, which in turn has resulted in inefficiency, communalism and corruption.Meanwhile, another service called the Indian Forest Service (IFS) was added to the list of AIS, though there was no compelling ground as in the case of the IAS and IPS. The only rationale behind this new addition could be the Forest & Environment Protection Act and the Wild Life Preservation & Protection Act passed by Parliament, which warrant uniform standards for implementation and enforcement all over the country. The policy makers might have decided that creation of an IFS cadre on the lines of the IAS and IPS would serve national interests better than the State Forest Services which were so long looking after forests and wildlife. In reality, however, the overall scenario in these two key areas has not shown any visible improvement, with the forest coverage in most States coming down drastically, and poaching of wildlife has been on the rise with many extinct varieties disappearing from their traditional habitats. We have the classic example in Asom where rhino poaching and destruction of valuable forests have become the order of the day, in spite of the IFS officials at work. It has been observed over time that with deterioration in the value system and criminalization of Indian politics, the officers of the AIS have largely readjusted their style of functioning to the liking of their political masters, setting aside the rule of law which they are trained and expected to respect in public interest. With the advancement of the economy through industrial, business and commercial activities prompted by a huge push to science and technology in the recent decades, the nexus between bureaucrats and businessmen has developed on a solid footing. The expensive Indian election process, which keeps the door open for business funding of elections, has brought the business community closer to politicians, which has led to what one calls the ‘‘politician-businessman-bureaucrat’’ nexus. While the numerous Central services are not immune to such nexus, it has become more prominent in respect of the AIS officers who have to serve in the allotted States for most parts of their service career, subordinated to the whims of their political masters. In the States of the Northeast where insurgency/militancy/terrorism has been thriving in spite of the many peace overtures, public opinion — one of the cornerstones of democracy — has simply become irrelevant. As a result, with enormous legal powers in hand, the servants of the people have virtually become their masters, and the officialdom at their command has willy-nilly become their copycats. Since the imposition of Emergency in 1975, the healthy democratic traditions set by the leaders of the country in the initial years of the post-independence era were set at naught, and corruption at all levels — political, administrative and economic — raised its ugly head, thereby giving a jolt to the AIS concept, which became a part of the anti-people political set-up. While there are good exceptions at both the Centre and in the States, with uncompromising officers of the AIS purely dedicated to serve the law of the land and the public whose servants they really are, the change in societal attitude for material gains and pleasure have more or less eaten into the vitals of the AIS.In the northeastern States, apart from the greedy political class devouring huge chunks of developmental funds, unscrupulous members of the AIS are increasingly getting involved in all forms of corruption. While the adverse security environment due to militancy has been a cause of concern for IAS and IPS officers from outside the region during their posting here, and while a good number of such officers have lost their lives in extremist violence as pointed out by Dr PC Alexander (a former Cabinet Secretary and Governor) at the Centre, it is not correct to say ‘‘that this has made the members of the All India Services posted to these States the forgotten children of the family’’.Mr Alexander further observes: ‘‘Unfortunately, the fact that a large number of young officers belonging to the All India Services are not getting the opportunities for giving their best services to the country, but are instead living with a sense of frustration and anxiety for their own safety, is not adequately appreciated by the authorities, and therefore, this underutilization of their services continues as an avoidable feature of the civil service in the region.’’ In addition to the incentives already provided to the AIS officers from outside posted in the region, Dr Alexander has suggested a system of ‘‘twinning’’ of cadres for the IAS and IPS officers posted in the Northeast. This would mean that these officers will have the opportunities to serve in a larger and more developed State for a fairly long period during their career. The exposure they get from service in the larger and more advanced States will help them to enhance their usefulness when they work in the relatively backward northeastern States. Theoretically, this suggestion makes sense, as in that case assuming Asom is ‘‘twinned’’ with Maharashtra, Asom could benefit to a certain extent. But what about Maharashtra — a highly advanced State? Would an officer, after serving a long period in Karnataka, for instance, be mentally prepared and physically tuned to serve in the interiors of Arunachal Pradesh if this State be ‘‘twinned’’ with Karnataka? Why not go for special recruitment to the AIS from suitable candidates hailing from the States of the Northeast itself for posting in the region, which at any point of time has the smallest number of direct recruits?The Northeast needs AIS officers who have the will to serve the people and who have the guts to face all political odds. (The writer was an IAS officer and retired as Chief Secretary, Assam) source: sentinel assam editorial 29.06.08

Vision 2020 hope for N-E

Vision 2020 hope for N-E
New Delhi, June 27: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will release the Vision 2020 document on July 2 amid the buzz that the DoNER ministry would soon be scrapped. The document’s unveiling will coincide with the opening of tenders for a regional airline for the Northeast the same day.

The document has been prepared for the past three years and is the crux of inputs from 30,000 questionnaires answered by various sections of society from the eight states. DoNER minister Mani Shankar Aiyar wants the NEC to don the role of a regional planning association.

Exposing corrupt journalists of our time

Nava Thakuria

Corruption in journalism often makes news in Indian media. The creator of news also emerges as a matter of reporting in many parts of the country. The alienated Northeast too never ignored the trend. In fact, soon after the arrest of an Assamese scribe for his involvement in a bribery case with a seasoned politician, the issue comes to the center stage of Assam media.While it was appalling news for the people of Assam, as one of its active state ministers was arrested by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) officials few weeks back in New Delhi with the charges of offering bribe to an officer (to get rid of a murder case), more shocking news waited for the media persons. The investigation agency also picked up the scribe accusing himto get involved in the episode. The arrest of Mukul Pathak, who was associated with an Assamese daily along with the then Education minister Ripun Bora (third prey was a Delhi-based businessman, Ramesh Maheswari), made huge media headlines for many days in Assam. The immediate reaction of the people in general and media persons in particular was that Mukul got nothing but his dues. Meanwhile wild allegations were poured against the young scribe that he managed hundred thousand bucks with his unethical understanding and activities with the minister. Few journalists came out with more serious versions that Mukul destroyed the image of Assam media to the greatest extent. Those journalists even tried to create an atmosphere that after Mukul's arrest, everything became so crystal clear and the Assam media emerged as a place for holy cows only.So there were hot debates and discussions about the punishments that could be pronounced to Mukul, who was then serving the term for judicial custody at Tihar jail. If the CBI can arrest him for his involvement in episode of bribing one of its officers with Rs 10,00,000 in cash by the minister, why not the journalists' body could condemn and expel him from the community-many journalists raised voices. There was however little voice in support of Mukul to explain his point of views. It was a general understanding that if Mukul was arrested by the CBI (which can never do wrong!), he must have been a criminal. And hence there were no point discussing his version of self defense and even not to wait for the final verdict of the court regarding the episode.But a journalists' meeting at Guwahati Press Club on June 22 changed the face of anger against Mukul. Organized by the Journalists' Action Committee, Assam and the representative of National Federation of Newspaper Employees, the meeting insisted on providing space for Mukul to clarify his stand at the earliest. Presided over by a journalist Keshab Kalita, the meeting also decided to send a delegation of journalists to New Delhi to meet Mukul and pick up his explanation on the incident. The delegation was supposed to meet the concerned CBI officials as well.Various speakers in the meeting were unanimous in asserting that Mukul could never be 'the only and the last tainted reporter', working in Assam for various media. It was observed that a section of journalists tried to establish it with their comments soon after the incident. Hence they urged the editors to keep a vigil on the working journalists of the respective media houses."If Mukul is proved to be involved in the episode, for which he was arrested by the CBI, the journalists' body would support appropriate actions against the reporter. He will also be expelled from the journalists' body," said in a resolution of the meeting.In another resolution, the meeting demanded the minimum salary and other economic facilities to the working journalists of Assam. Speakers including Prakash Mahanta (a senior journalist and the secretary of Journalists Action Committee, Assam), Sabita Lahkar (editor of an Assamese monthly, Ajori), Mukul Kalita and Naresh Kalita (both are Guwahati based senior journalists) expressed resentment at the disappointing condition of the working journalists of the state, where over 60% of them were compelled to work without a proper appointment letter, salary structure, leave and other relevant facilities, which are recommended by various laws including the Indian Labour Act. The meeting was also addressed by Pankaj Dutta, Neetumoni Saikia, Samir Sandilya, Nayanjyoti Bhuyan (all are reporters associated with vernacular media) etc."This is very unfortunate that media persons in Assam have to work with a salary starting with even Rs. 2000 with absolutely no job security. Many times, the journalists (including the editors) are used by the proprietors of media groups for their business (other than media) interest. So in such a chaotic situation, we can hardly expect a fair journalism in the state," commented a Guwahati based senior citizen, Dimbeswar Talukder. He however added that it was not only the local and less paid scribes, who were engaged with some corrupt means, but a section of established journalists (belonged to news agencies and metro dailies) with adequate financial security too continued indulging with such kind of activities.His comment was supported by a city based scribe, Haren Kalita, arguing that there were many journalists, who pursued unethical means for personal benefits, of course, in a different way. "Why are you making so much noise against the poor reporter (Mukul Pathak)? Do not you know that many so-called senior and responsible journalists were equally involved in corrupt practices? I know that they do it in a more polished manner. So nobody find it worth bothering," he commented.Devashish Bhattacharjee, another city based reporter raised a vital point, "Take an example. We have a number journalist cum documentary film makers (employed with professional media houses) in the city, who works for the Prasar Bharati (Broadcasting Corporation of India). There may be nothing wrong to produce documentaries for Doordarshan, but when one does it on some government departments, it might turn sour. Suppose, one proposes for productions related to the state forest department and take all possible advantages (conveyance to lodging in forest guest houses) from the department while on shooting, is not it a wring way? Because the producers had already received (or will receive) the money against all relevant expenditures from Prasar Bharati, then why he should go begging the unethical support from the department? Will he be able to raise voice (to file news) against the department in future in a credible way?"Bhattacharjee wrapped up with a final say, "Was not exactly it a cause, why many journalists in Assam ignored the public resentment against the state forest department during the last few months for its failure to protect the endangered one horn rhinos in various national preserves? One can go for record that those journalists remained silent while the conscious people of the state came to the streets condemning the state forest minister for his negligence in duties, but they were too quick to report when the minister or the forest officials made some statements (though many times those were proved useless). Is not it a matter of corruption in different shape and sizes? Source: assamtimes.org

PM to release Vision 2020 on July 2

PM to release Vision 2020 on July 2

KOLKATA, June 19 – Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will unveil ‘Vision 2020’, a document aimed at the socio-economic development of the North-Eastern region, in New Delhi on July 2, Union Minister for Development of North-Eastern region Mani Shankar Aiyar has said. The ‘Vision 2020’ was prepared after three years of uninterrupted consultations with 50,000 common people of the North East and a host experts and institutions to take care of the shortcomings in the region Terming the vision document as an ‘Aam Aadmi (common man) document’, DoNER Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar said it would require Rs 13 trillion for the implementation of Vision 2020 in the region. The document had been endorsed by the North Eastern Council and Chief Ministers of the region, he told members of the four industry chambers at an interactive session on N-E development, last evening. Aiyar said if India wanted to match the GDP growth of China, then it will have to consider the contribution of the North-East where growth potential was immense. –PTI

In Northeast, a prayer for peace

In Northeast, a prayer for peace
June 09, 2008

The people of Nagaland resorted to prayers to seek restoration of peace in the state, which has been plagued by years of violence.

Scores of locals braved the rain and came out on the streets in Dimapur to pray to the almighty. Organised by the Northeast India Christian Revival Church, the crusade saw the people singing devotional songs and praying along as they toured the city.