Peace as a political tool
Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi’s cup of woes seems to be overflowing with conflicts on so many fronts. The resurgence of Bodo militancy after a lull has only sharpened the contours of conflict in Assam. It was not at all pleasing to the ears to hear two prominent leaders of the Bodo people, publicly trade charges at one another.
Supporters of Hagrama Mohilary accused U.G. Brahma of masterminding the fratricidal killings in Bodoland. Brahma threw back each allegation at his detractors. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the Bodos are a culturally superior race with a history of civilisation that is longer than most of the other tribes in the Northeast.
How a group that is culturally and intellectually endowed could be subsumed and pushed to the fringes of development is a historical aberration that can only be revisited with much anguish and a sense of loss of something irretrievable.
Historically, the living space of the Bodos comprises nearly one-third of Assam. But in terms of development what is euphemistically referred to as “Bodoland” remains a laggard. The creation of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) was a temporary palliative. As always the beneficiaries of such political endowments are the leaders of the movements and their kin. The rest of the Bodo people have remained at the subsistence level. For them a BTC or a state government are one and the same.
Co-existence
At one conference attended by Bodo women, one was surprised to learn that the Bodos living along the borders of Bhutan get their electricity from that country. They earn their livelihood across the border and depend very little on Assam.
For them it is advantageous that India and Bhutan co-exist peacefully because any imbalance between the two as had happened during the Bhutanese operation against the Ulfa, tends to create a livelihood problem for them. As long as such simple folks continue with their economic pursuits and stay out of political discourses about their rights and the infringement of those rights, there will be a lid on political aspirations.
But history is a grim reminder that marginalised groups do tend to seek their place in the sun sooner than later. It is evident that several Bodo people are dissatisfied with the BTC. They do not see the council as an answer to their development backlogs.
The BTC we are told has failed to live up to the expectations of the hoi-polloi. There is allegedly no system of financial accountability and this is the crux of the matter. When people ask for greater autonomy for themselves what the leaders are actually asking for is more money to play around with. It is so easy to forget “the people” in whose names armed struggles were raised and whose blood was shed for the cause.
In cold blood
Besides the current blood-letting in Bodoland which has yet to raise the temperature in Dispur, the other battlefront that could spoil Tarun Gogoi’s sleep is the Dima Halam Daogah (DHD) led by Jewel Gorlosa. This group is known to be mentored by the NSCN (I-M) and therefore as unscrupulous in its operations. Recently, the DHD (J) killed a dozen truck drivers who were on routine trips through North Cachar Hills to the Barak valley and beyond carrying food supplies.
The manner in which the drivers were shot in cold blood and at point blank range is reminiscent of the cruelties of the Gestapo. The DHD (J) then attacked the railway employees who were merely carrying out their duties. As a consequence the rail authorities suspended their work and trucks refused to move.
The repercussions were felt in Mizoram and Tripura whose foodgrain quota was dwindling by the day.
Having carried out their horrific massacre the DHD (J) then calls a unilateral truce. This trigger-happy group probably woke up to the seriousness of the situation only belatedly when it began to affect their own people and a hue and cry was raised by the Dimasa people themselves.
Today there are over 40 companies of security forces posted in the North Cachar Hills, the largest ever for the smallest area. This became necessary in order to complete the railway gauge conversion and the trans-Asian highway.
The role of the NSCN (I-M), a group that is ostensibly on a truce with the Centre, but is providing the fuel to different armed groups across the region has not come in for close scrutiny. But things being so convoluted you can never be too sure as to who is fuelling what and under whose direction.
Be that as it may the Assam government is expected to have some plan of action to deal with groups like the DHD (J) which have assumed the characteristics of marauders.
If such groups are not put down with an iron hand one foresees many more splinters emerging each with its own ideology but all of them out to make a fast buck. The complete absence of the rule of law in North Cachar Hills, Karbi Anglong, and Bodoland can no longer be covered up.
The lawlessness in Assam has in fact reached such serious dimensions that even the state forests will now be guarded by the army. This is quite a telling account of the ground situation in that state.
All these are bad enough indications but what is worse is Tarun Gogoi’s proclivity to buy peace in instalments.
His government is all out to sign a truce with a faction of Ulfa whose cadres are faded and jaded and have lost their firepower. Normally, no armed group would sing the peace tune if it could still survive in the jungles. And the rule of the game is that talks are held only between equals.
Why should the state agree to a peace proposition from an ineffectual group? Unless of course there is an uncoded quid pro quo that the group will serve the political dispensation at Dispur in some strange way.
Ulfa on back foot
The argument that Ulfa has not killed anyone for months together and therefore deserves a chance at peace is specious. If Ulfa is on the back foot now it is only because they have run out of steam. At this juncture the outfit is in dire need of oxygen. If it is starved of it for some more time it might have to surrender. Hence the proposal to smoke the peace pipe.
If the Tarun Gogoi government succumbs as it appears to have done then the future of Assam will stand gravely compromised.
Non-resident Assamese are appalled by the number of bandhs calls, which have crippled particularly the tea industry. Any attempt to give Ulfa its much-needed time to regroup will spell disaster for Assam. It will also be the death knell to entrepreneurship and industry both of which are meant to trigger economic growth.
Alas. Politics pushes people to look for short-term gains and abandon any long-term policy for the common good.
(The author can be contacted at patricia17@rediffma il.com)
THE TELEGRAPH - JUNE 23, 2008
Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi’s cup of woes seems to be overflowing with conflicts on so many fronts. The resurgence of Bodo militancy after a lull has only sharpened the contours of conflict in Assam. It was not at all pleasing to the ears to hear two prominent leaders of the Bodo people, publicly trade charges at one another.
Supporters of Hagrama Mohilary accused U.G. Brahma of masterminding the fratricidal killings in Bodoland. Brahma threw back each allegation at his detractors. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the Bodos are a culturally superior race with a history of civilisation that is longer than most of the other tribes in the Northeast.
How a group that is culturally and intellectually endowed could be subsumed and pushed to the fringes of development is a historical aberration that can only be revisited with much anguish and a sense of loss of something irretrievable.
Historically, the living space of the Bodos comprises nearly one-third of Assam. But in terms of development what is euphemistically referred to as “Bodoland” remains a laggard. The creation of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) was a temporary palliative. As always the beneficiaries of such political endowments are the leaders of the movements and their kin. The rest of the Bodo people have remained at the subsistence level. For them a BTC or a state government are one and the same.
Co-existence
At one conference attended by Bodo women, one was surprised to learn that the Bodos living along the borders of Bhutan get their electricity from that country. They earn their livelihood across the border and depend very little on Assam.
For them it is advantageous that India and Bhutan co-exist peacefully because any imbalance between the two as had happened during the Bhutanese operation against the Ulfa, tends to create a livelihood problem for them. As long as such simple folks continue with their economic pursuits and stay out of political discourses about their rights and the infringement of those rights, there will be a lid on political aspirations.
But history is a grim reminder that marginalised groups do tend to seek their place in the sun sooner than later. It is evident that several Bodo people are dissatisfied with the BTC. They do not see the council as an answer to their development backlogs.
The BTC we are told has failed to live up to the expectations of the hoi-polloi. There is allegedly no system of financial accountability and this is the crux of the matter. When people ask for greater autonomy for themselves what the leaders are actually asking for is more money to play around with. It is so easy to forget “the people” in whose names armed struggles were raised and whose blood was shed for the cause.
In cold blood
Besides the current blood-letting in Bodoland which has yet to raise the temperature in Dispur, the other battlefront that could spoil Tarun Gogoi’s sleep is the Dima Halam Daogah (DHD) led by Jewel Gorlosa. This group is known to be mentored by the NSCN (I-M) and therefore as unscrupulous in its operations. Recently, the DHD (J) killed a dozen truck drivers who were on routine trips through North Cachar Hills to the Barak valley and beyond carrying food supplies.
The manner in which the drivers were shot in cold blood and at point blank range is reminiscent of the cruelties of the Gestapo. The DHD (J) then attacked the railway employees who were merely carrying out their duties. As a consequence the rail authorities suspended their work and trucks refused to move.
The repercussions were felt in Mizoram and Tripura whose foodgrain quota was dwindling by the day.
Having carried out their horrific massacre the DHD (J) then calls a unilateral truce. This trigger-happy group probably woke up to the seriousness of the situation only belatedly when it began to affect their own people and a hue and cry was raised by the Dimasa people themselves.
Today there are over 40 companies of security forces posted in the North Cachar Hills, the largest ever for the smallest area. This became necessary in order to complete the railway gauge conversion and the trans-Asian highway.
The role of the NSCN (I-M), a group that is ostensibly on a truce with the Centre, but is providing the fuel to different armed groups across the region has not come in for close scrutiny. But things being so convoluted you can never be too sure as to who is fuelling what and under whose direction.
Be that as it may the Assam government is expected to have some plan of action to deal with groups like the DHD (J) which have assumed the characteristics of marauders.
If such groups are not put down with an iron hand one foresees many more splinters emerging each with its own ideology but all of them out to make a fast buck. The complete absence of the rule of law in North Cachar Hills, Karbi Anglong, and Bodoland can no longer be covered up.
The lawlessness in Assam has in fact reached such serious dimensions that even the state forests will now be guarded by the army. This is quite a telling account of the ground situation in that state.
All these are bad enough indications but what is worse is Tarun Gogoi’s proclivity to buy peace in instalments.
His government is all out to sign a truce with a faction of Ulfa whose cadres are faded and jaded and have lost their firepower. Normally, no armed group would sing the peace tune if it could still survive in the jungles. And the rule of the game is that talks are held only between equals.
Why should the state agree to a peace proposition from an ineffectual group? Unless of course there is an uncoded quid pro quo that the group will serve the political dispensation at Dispur in some strange way.
Ulfa on back foot
The argument that Ulfa has not killed anyone for months together and therefore deserves a chance at peace is specious. If Ulfa is on the back foot now it is only because they have run out of steam. At this juncture the outfit is in dire need of oxygen. If it is starved of it for some more time it might have to surrender. Hence the proposal to smoke the peace pipe.
If the Tarun Gogoi government succumbs as it appears to have done then the future of Assam will stand gravely compromised.
Non-resident Assamese are appalled by the number of bandhs calls, which have crippled particularly the tea industry. Any attempt to give Ulfa its much-needed time to regroup will spell disaster for Assam. It will also be the death knell to entrepreneurship and industry both of which are meant to trigger economic growth.
Alas. Politics pushes people to look for short-term gains and abandon any long-term policy for the common good.
(The author can be contacted at patricia17@rediffma il.com)
